BIG STORY OF THE YEAR - 2008

When Jammuites rose against Kashmiris

Syed Ali Safvi

JAMMU, Jan 1: The year 2008 will be remembered for a host of reasons. From Amarnath land row to opening up of Srinagar- Muzaffarabad road for trade; from the reverberated slogans of 'hum kya chahte Azaadi' in Kashmir to ever-vibrant cries of "Bam Bam Boley" in Jammu; from the 'Chalo' calls to staggered seven-phase assembly elections in the state; the year 2008 can be best summed up as the year of sensation, suspense, and lot of drama. The year 2008 will be remembered for umpteen bandh calls.

'Amarnath land issue' hogged the headlines for the most part last year, and changed the political equation in the state at the fag end of the year.

In June 2008, the state government decided to transfer 40 hectares of forestland in Kashmir to Shri Amarnath Shrine Board (SASB). The decision triggered unprecedented protests in the valley where the order was seen as a conspiracy "to change the demographics of the valley". The land transfer issue united the sequestered Hurriyat Conference (HC).

The protests snowballed into public uprising, and with mounting public pressure People's Democratic Party (PDP), a strong ally of the ruling coalition government in the state, pulled the plug on the government. PDP's withdrawal triggered a major political crisis in the state and paved the way for yet another spell of Governor's rule in the state - for the fifth time since 1977.

The governor, N.N. Vohra rescinded the order. While the protests in Muslim-majority Kashmir died out with the revocation of the order, the Hindu-majority region of Jammu erupted against the order and accused the governor of "succumbing to the pressure of separatists and hardliners".

For the first time in 60 years, Jammuites downed shutters for two months, and the state was well and truly divided along regional and religious lines.

Veteran BJP leader and the party's prime ministerial candidate, L K Advani termed the rescind order as "yet another example of UPA's appeasement and vote bank politics" "The Congress has stood by the extremist forces and there are umpteen number of examples for it," Advani said, while releasing Hindi version of his book 'My Country, My Life' in Bhopal on June 30.

Jammu and Kashmir National Panthers Party (JKNPP) chairman, Prof Bhim Singh went all the way to the Supreme Court to file a petition challenging the decision of the state government to revoke the transfer of land to SASB. On July 1, activists of BJP, Shiv Sena, VHP and Bajrang Dal fought pitched battles with police across Jammu region in which 50 protestors and 25 policemen were injured. Police also arrested over 80 protesters.

Following violent incidents, authorities imposed indefinite curfew in parts of Jammu city. However, the protests continued unabated. The continuing unrest in Jammu compelled the Jammu administration to black out local TV news channels for allegedly whipping up communal passions. The local administration took the step a day after the army was called in to quell mounting unrest in Jammu.Short Message Services (SMS) were also stopped to curb rumours. The protests escalated in Jammu after a protestor, Kuldeep Verma committed suicide on July 23 in protest against government's alleged apathy to the Amarnath shrine. Veteran BJP leader and Gujarat chief minister, Narendra Modi described Verma as "freedom fighter Bhagat Singh". His wife - Shilpi Verma – unsuccessfully contested recently concluded assembly elections from Bishnah assembly segment on BJP ticket. Verma's death proved a flashpoint in Jammu uprising. On Aug 30, hundreds and thousands of Jammuites started "Jail Bharo Aandolan".

On September 24, Jaswant Singh, a 35 year-old vegetable seller, who had allegedly tried to immolate himself in Gagwal village of Kathua district, succumbed to his injuries at the PGI, Chandigarh.While Jammu was burning, the valley was relatively calm until Jammu protestors imposed economic blockade on the valley. Muslim truckers were beaten to pulp and vehicles were burnt.Brandishing swords, tridents, petrol bombs and countrymade pistols, the Hindu protestors took to streets. In the wake of economic blockade, Kashmir reeled under an acute scarcity of essential commodities and, most importantly, life-saving drugs. Hundreds of fruitladen trucks were stranded on the Jammu-Srinagar highway and at Srinagar's fruit mandi. The Kashmir Fruit Growers Asociation (KFGA), in order to sell their harvest, decided to march towards Muzaffarabad.

Hurriyat Conference issued "Muzaffarad chalo" call. A sea of around 1.50 lakh Kashmiris marched towards Muzaffarad on August 11 and bullets were showered on the caravan when it reached Uri (some 100 kilometers from Srinagar). The executive member of Hurriyat Conference (Mirwaiz), Sheikh Abdul Aziz, who was leading the protest along with Shabir Ahmad Shah, was killed along with eight others in an unprovoked firing by troops.
Interestingly, during his visit to Kashmir in April 2008, Indian Minister of State for Commerce Jairam Ramesh had maintained that the trade on Srinagar-Muzaffarabad route could begin within three months. "The slow movement forward in this regard was due to the political instability in Pakistan, which now is over with the installation of a democratically set up government there," Ramesh opined.

But when fruit growers, facing Hobson's choice, tried to take their fruit -rotting by the roadside owing to the attacks and blockade - to Muzaffarabad they were showered with bullets. The news of Aziz's killing spread like a wild fire across the valley and people took to streets to give vent to their pent up anger. Hurriyat Conference (M) chairman, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq accused the troops of "target killings".

Night protests were back in Kashmir, particularly in the Srinagar city. The protests were reminiscent of the protests witnessed in early-90s when people would throng the streets and the Valley reverberated with anti-India, pro-freedom and pro-Pakistan slogans. The land issue united the Kashmiris, irrespective of the political divide.

Hundreds of thousands of Kashmiris took to streets on August 16 to mourn the death of Sheikh Aziz. The protestors, carrying green colour flags emblazoned with "Allah-o-akbar" (God is Great), travelled to Pampore, the hometown of the slain leader Sheikh Abdul Aziz. A long cavalcade of buses, two wheelers, trucks, private cars, load carriers, auto rickshaws carrying mourners drove towards Pampore. It seemed as if all roads were leading to the Saffron-rich town. A congregation of over one lakh assembled in the Eidgah of Pampore where the Hurriyat leaders, including Mirwaiz Umer and Syed Ali Geelani, addressed the massive gathering.

Mirwaiz asked New Delhi to withdraw armed forces from J&K, revoke Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), release all political detenues from the State and throw Srinagar-Muzaffarabad Road open for "free trade and travel". Syed Ali Geelani said that the Kashmiris had launched a movement of 'Azadi Barae- Islam' (freedom for Islam) "which would be carried to its logical conclusion." He also asked the pro-India politicians to immediately resign or else face 'social boycott'.

Following Geelani's announcement, Mohammad Yaqoob Vakil, an old time colleague of Mirwaiz Umer Farooq who had earlier in 2008 migrated to People's Democratic Party (PDP) returned to Hurriyat in the same evening.

The mood in Kashmir was upbeat. It seemed Kashmiris would not settle for anything less than freedom. Pro-India parties and leaders faced the wrath of irate protestors. In an unprecedented move, Pakistani flag was hoisted atop the house of former forest minister and senior PDP leader, Qazi Mohammad Afzal at Ganderbal (some 30 km north of Srinagar) on the occasion of Pakistan's independence day (Aug 14).

Despite several rounds of All Party Meetings in Delhi and Jammu, the government miserably failed to break the ice. Interestingly, when an all-party delegation visited the state to hold parleys aimed at solving the Amarnath land row, the delegation did not deem it necessary to hold talks with any of the separatist leaders or, more importantly, the fruit growers.

The atmosphere in Kashmir was electric. Kashmiris, irrespective of age and ideology, wanted freedom. The valley was abuzz with pro-freedom slogans. Secessionist groups in the valley had regained their lost political ground. The Kashmiri youth were seen rallying around the separatists, an ominous sign for New Delhi.

The sentiments of the people clearly indicated that all was not well in the state. On both sides of the Jawahar tunnel, one would feel the anger emanating from a range of slogans reverberating through the entire state.

Amid the cacophony of slogans and screaming in the strife-torn valley of Kashmir, there was one slogan that stood out: "We want freedom." "Azadi" was literally in the air in the valley. It was the most frequently uttered word in Kashmir. People from all walks of life — traders, employees, doctors, lawyers, students thronged the streets demanding "Azadi from India". What was on display in Kashmir was a classic example of a people's movement. The denizens of the strife-torn vale of Kashmir were calling the shots, and not the leaders. The valley seemed in no mood to be taken for a ride.

Kashmiris, irrespective of political divide, were out on streets demanding the right to self-determination. The massive protests in the valley compelled India's leading strategic analysts to call for a referendum in Kashmir, a demand they considered a taboo before.

India's most read columnist, Swaminathan S. Anklesaria Aiyar, in his August 17 column in The Times of India, urged India to hold a plebiscite in Kashmir to allow the people of Kashmir to decide their destiny. "We promised Kashmiris a plebiscite six decades ago. Let us hold one now, and give them three choices: independence, union with Pakistan, or union with India. Almost certainly the Valley will opt for independence. Jammu will opt to stay with India, and probably Ladakh too. Let Kashmiris decide the outcome, not the politicians and armies of India and Pakistan," he wrote.

Veteran journalist, Vir Sanghvi, in his column in the Hindustan Times, called upon India to hold a referendum in the valley. "I reckon we should hold a referendum in the Valley. Let the Kashmiris determine their own destiny. If they want to stay in India, they are welcome. But if they don't, then we have no moral right to force them to remain… If you believe in democracy, then giving Kashmiris the right to self-determination is the correct thing to do. And even if you don't, surely we will be better off being rid of this constant, painful strain on our resources, our lives, and our honor as a Nation," he wrote.

Activist, renowned author and Booker Prize winner, Arundhati Roy in an article "Land and Freedom" (The Guardian, August 22, 2008) called for Kashmir's Azadi from India, much to the dismay of New Delhi. "India needs azadi from Kashmir as much as Kashmir needs azadi from India," said the celebrated author. She was present in two massive allies in Srinagar, at the Tourist Reception Centre (TRC) ground and the Eidgah.

"National Conference and PDP may command the loyalty of the old and middleaged, the youth—Kashmir's future—are with (Yaseen) Malik and those like him who speak the language of self-determination and empowerment," felt Prem Shankar Jha, India's leading strategic analyst. Some political pundits feared that the issue could destabilize the Indo-Pak peace process and with mounting international pressure on India over the killing of peaceful protestors, it had a potential to sabotage the Indo-US nuclear deal.

The Pakistani government condemned "the excessive and unwarranted use of force against the people of Indianoccupied Kashmir". India retorted back, saying "These statements constitute clear interference in the internal affairs of an integral part of India - such statements by leaders of a foreign country do not help the situation. Nor do they contribute to creating the atmosphere necessary for the dialogue process between India and Pakistan to move forward."
Amnesty International asked the Indian government to "ensure that it (India) protects the right to life in accordance with its responsibilities under international law". By the end of August, the fight was no longer over the land row, but for the "final settlement of Kashmir issue".
"Now, people want freedom from Indian occupation. The land issue is a thing of the past. Neither is there any need to talk about this issue nor would I ever talk on the subject to the (Shri Amarnath Yatra Sangarsh) Samiti," Geelani said.

The issue seemed to have had slipped out of the hands of Indian government and the J&K Governor. It seemed very unlikely that they would be able to put any brakes on the incessant protests. New Delhi had failed to react fast enough when the land issue had first come to fore. In fact, it had allowed the situation to take alarming proportions. Valleyites alleged that protestors in Jammu were given a free hand, as chairman of Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) Yaseen Malik put it: "Protestors are playing friendly match with police".

The attack on the daily Greater Kashmir (GK) Jammu office at Gandhi Nagar underlined the fact in Malik's proclamation. On the contrary, police flexed muscles on protestors in the valley and resorted to extreme measures to quell them. Police in Srinagar used a "sophisticated and dangerous weapon", 'Rudra' -permitted to use only in military operations - on the unarmed peaceful protestors. That shows how police and paramilitary forces adopted different modus operandi in two the regions. The authorities miserably failed to protect the hapless Muslims in Jammu. The protestors were doing things at will even when the so-called curfew was in place.

At the fag end of the year, BJP rode Amarnath polarization to bag 11 seats in Jammu region.