Rural-urban divide in Kashmir: Clean sweep by NC in Srinagar

Syed Ali Safvi

JAMMU, Dec 28: Election results have sprung many a surprise. The verdict has revealed, among other things, an apparent divide between rural and urban Kashmir. The city populace has preferred to vote in favour of National Conference (NC) candidates.

The party has made a clean sweep of the eight constituencies in Srinagar. Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) on other hand made a clean sweep of Shopian and Pulwama districts winning all the six seats. The party managed to win six of the ten seats in Anantnag and Kulgam districts.

Srinagarites spearheaded the agitation during Amarnath land row. Their resentment against Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) over the controversial Amarnath land transfer seems to have got converted into votes in favour of NC.

Considered to be a separatist bastion, Srinagar recorded 20 per cent polling in the last leg of the staggered seven-phase assembly elections. In 2002 assembly elections, all the eight constituencies of Srinagar district witnessed less than 10 per cent of total voter turnout. Amirakadal (3.06%), Batmalloo (4%), Sonawar (9.96%), Habbakadal (3.21%), Khanyar (4.22%), Idgah (4.74%), Zadibal (4.78%), Hazratbal (7.21%).

Moreover, the heavy voter turnout in rural areas greatly sharpened the nascent rural-urban divide. In the rural areas, voters came out in large numbers to cast their votes, while a major chunk of urbanites boycotted the polls in response to the election boycott call given by separatists.

In a major setback to PDP, former finance minister and senior PDP leader, Tariq Hameed Qarra lost to NC political debutant Irfan Shah from Batamaloo assembly segment. Former chief minister and NC patron, Farooq Abdullah won from both the constituencies of Hazratbal and Sonawar.

Mubarak Gul (NC), Ali Muhammad Sagar retained Idgah and Khanyar seats, respectively. NC's Shameema Firdous won from Habbakadal assembly segment, while NC's another political debutante Peer Afaq Ahmad emerged victorious from Zadibal constituency. Amirakadal seat went to Naseer Ahmad Wani.

NC had bagged five seats from Srinagar in 2002 assembly elections, while two went to independents and one to Congress.

Former chief minister and PDP patron, Mufti Muhammad Sayeed was elected from Anantnag assembly segment. Mufti defeated NC provincial president Mehboob Beg Mufti's daughter and PDP president, Mehbooba Mufti emerged victorious from Wanchi.

NC, PDP hobnobbing with Cong

Syed Ali Safvi

JAMMU, Dec 27: After sensing that they may fall short of getting simple majority in the 87-member House, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and National Conference (NC) have started lobbying in New Delhi for Congress support. According to sources, NC and PDP high command met with many senior Congress leaders to garner the party support to cobble a coalition government. Both PDP and NC have powerful lobbies in the Congress high command.

The father-son duo of Farooq and Omar were in New Delhi on Friday, and they are believed to have met with the Congress high command to discuss possibilities of forming next coalition government in the state. It is widely believed that no party will be able to reach anywhere near the half way mark of 44 in the 87-member House. However, PDP and BJP may increase their seats in Kashmir and Jammu, respectively.

The Congress high command seems to be in a fix. However, it has kept all options open. The party sources maintain that "the party high command will decide about the possible alliance once the poll results are declared". Sources added that Congress high command was more concerned about the ensuing Lok Sabha elections. Majority of Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC) leaders were not in favour of PDP-Congress alliance as they believed that such a move would hamper Congress' image in Jammu and the party may have to face the music in the ensuing Lok Sabha polls.

Some PCC leaders maintain that NC would be a better bet for Congress than PDP. After the break up of PDP-Congress' 'marriage of inconvenience' over Amarnath land row, NC-Congress coalition looked well on cards, but the statement of external affairs minister, Pranab Mukherjee had taken political pundits by surprise. During his visit to Kashmir, Mukherjee at a press conference on Dec 16 had hinted at the post poll Cong-PDP alliance.

Highly placed sources in Congress revealed that former chief minister and senior Congress leader, Ghulam Nabi Azad was keen to form alliance with NC. After the land transfer fiasco consumed the Azad-led Congress government, he distanced himself from PDP leadership. It is widely believed that Azad shares a healthy relationship with NC patron. In 2002, Azad had reportedly preferred alliance with NC, but "he was reined in by Congress (I) president" that time. Earlier in August, New Delhi had convened a meeting with PDP patron, Mufti Sayeed to seek his support following the agreement between the state government and Shri Amarnath Yatra Sangharsh Samiti (SAYSS) over Amarnath land row, which PDP had termed as "unilateral". The meeting, as expected, could not break any ice. After failing to get PDP support, the honchos in New Delhi then turned to NC bigwigs to seek their support, and the party did not disappoint them.

In September this year, Farooq and Omar had a one-hour long meeting with the Indian prime minister Manmohan Singh and external affairs minister, Pranab Mukherjee that sparked off speculations that the Congress high command and the Abdullahs may have entered into some kind of agreement. Congress, on the other hand, is also riding high on support of smaller parties like Ghulam Hassan Mir's Democratic Party Nationalist (DPN) and Hakeem Mohammad Yasin's Peoples Democratic Front (PDF).

The Congress and NC have forged alliance in the past, but every time the alliance has ended on a bitter note. On November 13, 1974 Sheikh Abdullah and Indira Gandhi signed the Kashmir Accord (Beg-Parthasarthy Accord). On February 25, 1975 Sheikh Abdullah took over as the chief minister with Congress' support, a day after NC leaders reiterated that "J&K's accession to India was final". The alliance, however, lasted only 2 years and 21 days. On 16 March, 1977 Congress withdrew support to NC and the next day assembly was dissolved and governor's rule imposed. On July 2, 1984 Ghulam Muhammad Shah toppled NC government with Congress' support, and became the chief minister. This further strained the relations between NC and Congress. Shah formed National Conference (Khalida), which was later (in May, 1985) renamed as Awami National Conference (ANC). However, on March 7, 1986 GM Shah was dismissed and once again Governor's rule was imposed. On November 7, 1986 the two estranged parties again came together and formed a coalition government following Rajiv-Farooq accord. In 1977 and 1983 elections the main contest was between Congress and NC, but in 1987 assembly elections, both the parties had forged an alliance and were fighting on the same side. On March 25, 1987 NC-Congress coalition government was formed.

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2008 polls carve a niche - low violence, more candidates, heavy turnout and anti-poll protests

Syed Ali Safvi

JAMMU, Dec 22: The 2008 assembly elections will be remembered for a host of reasons. Post 1996, it is the first election which has so far passed off peacefully, without any major untoward incident having taken place. In wake of the election boycott call given by the separatists, the voter turnout, particularly in the conflict-ridden valley of Kashmir, has been beyond expectations.

Three months ago no one would have thought in the wildest of dreams that the elections would attract so much enthusiasm. However, before jumping to conclusion, there are other aspects that cannot be brushed aside. Even those who braved relentless weather and kept waiting in long queues for hours together outside polling stations, reiterated that elections were for development and "Azaadi (freedom) runs through their veins".


The heavy turnout in six phases has taken all and sundry by surprise. Over 1,354 candidates, including 468 independent candidates and 67 women contestants threw their hat in the election ring for the 87-member House.

As many as 1,354 candidates, including 78 from Congress, 85 from National Conference (NC), 64 from Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and 78 from People's Democratic Party (PDP) are in the fray. Total assets declared by the candidates in their affidavits filed before the respective returning officers, sum up to Rs 7,769,012,944. NC and PDP candidates are richer than their counterparts in BJP and Congress. Total assets of NC and PDP candidates amount to Rs 1,327,543,175 and Rs 1,612,462,702, respectively.

The average asset of a single PDP candidate is Rs 433, 815, as compared to the NC candidates at Rs 18,185,523. The Congress candidates at Rs 10,534,108 and BJP candidate with Rs 8,739,974 lag far behind.

NC, however, has more crorepati candidates (33), followed by PDP (18), Congress (17), and BJP (8). There are 322 total candidates with no declared assets.

Former minister for finance and senior PDP leader, Tariq Hameed Qarra is the richest candidate in the fray with total assets amounting to Rs 828,861,045, followed by J&K Awami National Conference (JKANC) candidate for Batamaloo assembly segment, Javed Mustafa Ashai (Rs 340,252,000), senior PDP vice-president and the party candidate from Pattan assembly segment, Moulvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari (Rs 214,095,000), Tariq Qarra's wife and PDP candidate from Idgah assembly segment, Asifa Tariq Qarra (Rs 142,131,045), independent candidate from Reasi assembly segment, Meenakshi Sharma (Rs 123,321,000), BJP candidate from Reasi assembly segment, Baldev Raj (Rs 113,100,000), NC candidate from Homeshalibugh assembly segment, Abdul Majeed (Rs 111,915,600), Congress candidate from Amirakadal assembly segment, Ahmreen Badar (Rs 111,000,000), former chief minister, NC patron and the party candidate from Hazratbal assembly segment, Farooq Abdullah (Rs 97,791,139), and JKDPN candidate from Habbakadal assembly segment, Jayant Kumar Shakdar (Rs 92,240,000).
PDP is riding high on young shoulders, with as many as 22 candidates below 35 years, in the fray. NC with18 candidates below 35 years, is at number two, followed by BJP and Congress with 15 each.

The 2008 assembly election has witnessed unprecedented women participation - not only as electors, but as candidates too - in the polls.

The number of women candidates in 2002 assembly elections was 29. In 2008, the number has doubled. In 1972, four women candidates were elected to the state legislature, which still remains a highest figure for women legislators in the state. The record, however, is likely to change this time. The fate of as many as 67 female contestants would be decided on December 28, 2008. PDP has shown a lot of trust on women candidates. The party fielded nine women contestants, followed by BJP (five), Congress (four), and NC (two). Will the fair sex fair well for the parties in polls is yet to be seen.

Like Bihar, J&K also has its share of candidates with criminal charges. There are as many as 27 candidates with criminal charges, including five from NC, four PDP, two BJP, and one of the Congress.

Ramban constituencies to witness keenly fought contests

M Ashraf Khanji & Syed Ali Safvi

JAMMU, Dec 16: The two assembly segments of newly carved district of Ramban - Ramban and Banihal - will go to polls in the sixth round of ongoing assembly elections in the state tomorrow. Total number of registered voters in the district is 1, 47,883, comprising 77,285 male and 70,598 female voters.

Banihal:
As many as 24 candidates are trying their luck from Banihal assembly segment. The apparent division within Congress, National Conference (NC) and People's Democratic Party (PDP) over allotment of mandates is likely to give an edge to independent candidates.

An independent candidate, Maulvi Abdul Rashid is a strong candidate from this constituency. He has been elected four times from this assembly segment. Rashid successfully contested on NC ticket in 1977, 1983 and 1987. In 1996, he contested on Congress ticket and lost to NC's Mohammed Farooq Mir, but in 2002 elections Rashid, who then fought as independent candidate, avenged his defeat by emerging victorious against Mir (NC) by a margin of 6674 votes. After the PDP-Congress coalition government was formed in the state, Rashid went back to Congress camp. He was expecting the party mandate this time, but Congress preferred political debutant Vikar Rasool over Rashid.

Discrepancies over allotment of party tickets have led to infighting among major political parties here and that has added to the winning prospects of Rashid. The four-time MLA holds a considerable sway over a major chunk of voters and is likely to retain the seat. However, it may not be a cake walk for him. He may face a tough competition from Congress' Rasool. Rasool may possibly ride on the anti-incumbency factor against Rashid.

The constituency was represented by Mohammed Akhtar of NC in 1967. Hajira Begum of Congress was declared elected in 1972. Moulvi Abdul Rashid of NC won three successive terms in 1977, 1983 and 1987. Farooq Mir wrested the seat in 1996. Banihal constituency has a total number of 70,552 registered voters, including 37,053 male and 33,499 female voters.

Ramban:
In absence of any strong independent SC candidate, Ramban assembly segment - a reserved Scheduled Caste constituency - is set to witness an intense contest between NC and Congress. As many as 13 candidates are in the fray, including a woman Amrit Varsha of Samajwadi Party (SP).

Dr Chaman Lal of NC, who won the seat in 2002 defeating his nearest rival Ashok Kumar of Congress by a margin of 2,536 votes, is seeking second term from Ramban constituency. However, if the mood of the locals is anything to go by, Congress' Kumar could spring a surprise by avenging his defeat. BJP's candidate, Bali Bhagat is also in the race.

The constituency was represented by NC's Asadullah Mir NC in 1957 and 1962, while Hans Raj and Mohammed Akhter Nizami of Congress emerged victorious in 1967 and 1972 elections, respectively. Prem Nath of NC wrested the seat in 1977, while Jagdev Singh and Bharat Gandhi of the Congress won in 1983 and 1987 elections. In 1996 polls, Bali Bhagat of BJP was declared elected from this constituency.

However, according to locals, both Chaman and Kumar appear to be almost equally placed. It is believed that a very small margin might decide their fate. However, anti-incumbency against Chaman is likely to play a crucial role in the election.

Ramban assembly segment has 77,695 registered voters, comprising 40,525 male and 37,170 female voters.

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Uncomfortable Questions About Mumbai Attacks

SAS

Hassan Zainagiree's article - "Odyssey to Taj" (http://www.greaterkashmir.com/full_story.asp?Date=4_12_2008&ItemID=18&cat=11) published in Kashmir's widely circulated vernacular daily Greater Kashmir was a wonderful read.

There is more to Mumbai attacks than meets the eye. US President elect Barak Obama's repeated Kashmir statement had frustrated India to the hilt and the honchos at New Delhi were afraid that the US may end up favouring Pakistan. After less than a month of Obama statement, India has managed to turn the tide in her favour and win American support. Now, some newspaper headlines are suggesting that "Mumbai attacks may sharpen Obama's Kashmir focus". For India, it's a job well done!

The attack on Taj Mahal Hotel, Trident (Oberoi) and Nariman House have raised many a question. It's quite ironic that security personnel were unable to notice the terrorists who barged into the Taj hotel. Interestingly, the terrorists first identified and then killed two American spies who were staying in the 565-room Taj Mahal hotel. Curiously, both at Nariman House and Taj Mahal hotel, foreigners - particularly Americans and Israelis - were the prime targets. The killing of ATS Chief Hemant Karkaray too has raised uncomfortable questions. Hemant was probing the Malegaon blast and had exposed the nexus between Hindu terrorists, army officials and Sang Parivaar. There is a striking similarity between the killing of Hemant Karkaray and Delhi Police Special Cell officer Mohan Chand Sharma, who was killed during the Jamia Nagar encounter in September this year.

As Zainagiree writes that all the three police chiefs - Hemant, Vijay Salaskar and Ashoh Kamtay - killed in the "encounter" were "vigorously perusing Rajan Gang". They were "apprised on phone of terror attack and asked to reach the same place where they were pumped with bullets".

If voters stay away, migrants may make impact in Srinagar

Syed Ali Safvi

JAMMU, Dec 1: With a major chunk of voters having refrained from exercising their franchise in the previous two assembly elections in the conflict-ridden Kashmir valley - particularly in Srinagar district - votes of displaced Pandits of the valley, largely scattered across Jammu region and other parts of India, could hold a key to the outcome of the ongoing elections.

A good participation of Kashmiri Pandits in the electoral process could have a drastic impact on the outcome in many assembly segments of the valley. Srinagar district, which goes to polls in the seventh and last phase of elections, could feel the maximum ripples.

The entire Srinagar district has had a huge impact of election boycott calls in the past, and the trend is likely to persist this time also in the wake of Kashmir Coordination Committee's (KCC's) election boycott call. Post 1996, Srinagar district has always witnessed very insignificant turnout in the elections. All the eight constituencies of Srinagar district witnessed less than 10 per cent of total voter turnout in 2002 assembly elections. Amirakadal (3.06%), Batmalloo (4%), Sonawar (9.96%), Habbakadal (3.21%), Khanyar (4.22%), Idgah (4.74%), Zadibal (4.78%), Hazratbal (7.21%). Interestingly, the district accounts for 23,796 migrant votes, which could hold the key to the outcome.

However, participation of migrated KPs in the elections in the past had not been significant enough to turn the tide in their favour. But this time they all seem geared up to make some inroads. For the first time, more than two dozen candidates belonging to migrated Kashmiri Pandit community are trying their luck in the elections this time from their 'original' home constituencies. If the turnout in the valley, particularly in Srinagar district, remains as abysmal as in two previous assembly elections, some of them could easily throw a surprise.

Earlier in November, the Kashmiri Pandits formed a political party, Jammu Kashmir National United Front (JKNUF) to throw their hats into the election ring. According to sources, as many as 14 candidates of the party are contesting from different assembly constituencies across the state. JKNUF candidate, Rakesh Handoo, would contest against NC patron and the former chief minister, Dr Farooq Abdullah from Hazratbal. Besides the JKNUF, there are 18 other Kashmir Pandit candidates, most of them independent, in the fray.

According to figures provided by the state Chief Election Commission (CEC), there are a total number of 72,793 Kashmiri migrant voters who are largely concentrated in Jammu region, Delhi, Chandigarh and Bangalore. Habbakadal alone has a staggering 13,302 migrant votes, followed by Bijbehara (4003), Amirakadal (3058), Anantnag (2882), Batamaloo (2840), Kupwara (2731), Devsar (2581), Handwara (2528), Kokernag (2374), Kulgam (2284), and Hazratbal (1933).

Realising the significance of migrant electors, other political parties also have started to woo the migrant voters. BJP - which has never won a seat in Kashmir region - has given mandate to a Kashmiri Pandit, Hira Lal Chatta from Habbakadal assembly segment and is hopeful of breaking the jinx this time. Jammu and Kashmir People's Democratic Forum (JKPDF) has also decided to field a Kashmiri Pandit from Amirakadal assembly segment as the party candidate.

"Our party will field candidates from all the eight assembly constituencies in Srinagar," the PDF president, Hakeem Muhammad Yaseen told Kashmir Times, adding that the party would give mandate to a Kashmiri Pandit from Amirakadal assembly segment. According to sources, 10 Pandit candidates are in the fray from Habba Kadal assembly segment, which include Hira Lal Chatta (BJP), former legislator Raman Matoo (ind), K Madan (BSP), Sanjay Saraf (LJP), J K Shakdar (JKDP-N), and R K Koul (BSP-S). Two Pandit candidates - Shiban Dudha (PDF) and Prakshit Koul (BJP) - are contesting from Amirakadal assembly segment. Sonwar, Hazratbal, Islamabad and Sopur also have its share of Pandit candidates. Rakesh (JKNUF), Sanjay Kachroo (BJP), Vijay Chicken (JKNUF) and Rajender Handoo (independent) are contesting from Hazratbal, Sonwar, Sopur and Islamabad constituencies respectively.

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Postal ballots for migrants in midst of controversy

Syed Ali Safvi

JAMMU, Nov 26: In the run-up to the third phase of elections in Jammu and Kashmir, political parties have intensified their election campaign and are resorting to all sorts of gimmicks to outdo each other. After successfully wooing voters in the valley, they have now turned their eyes on the Kashmiri migrant votes,largely scattered across Jammu region.

Their task is being equally facilitated allegedly by the state election machinery. Chief Election Commission has reportedly issued over a thousand postal ballots for the third phase of elections allegedly at the residences of workers of the political parties.

According to sources, about 1500 postal ballots have been issued for about 2200 migrant voters of Handwara assembly segment, which goes to polls in the third phase of elections on November 30.

Some contestants from Handwara allege that this may enable certain parties to cast bogus votes as postal ballots issued in the previous assembly elections were issued on addresses of party workers of National Conference.

In 2002, the Chief Election Commission had cancelled around 700 posting ballots after reports that most of them were issued in the names of migrant voters with addresses at the residences of National Conference (NC) workers.

The postal ballots are said to have been issued even though five polling booths have been set for the migrant voters in Jammu, and one each in Nagrota, Udhampur and Delhi for a total of 2200 voters.

When contacted, Deputy Chief Electoral Officer, however, refuted the allegations."I have not received any complaint regarding this," he told Kashmir Times. "If any one has grievances should approach our office, we will redress the complaint."

Assistant Electoral Registration Officer (AERO), Rashpal Singh, said that no postal ballots have been arranged for Kupwara constituency.

"We have so far issued only three postal ballots for Langate constituency for the third phase of elections and no postal ballot has been issued for Kupwara constituency," Singh told Kashmir Times. "Two applications were rejected because they did not have proper grounds."

Singh said that the postal ballots were issued in front of the election observers "after proper scrutiny".

Four assembly segments of militancy-affected Kupwara district have a total number of 7648 migrant votes. Kupwara has 2731, followed by Handwara (2528), Langate (1338) and Lolab (1051). Karnah assembly segment does not have any migrant vote.

The postal ballot scheme was initially introduced in the state of Jammu and Kashmir during May 1996 Lok Sabha elections to enable displaced Pandits of the Kashmir valley to exercise their franchise through postal ballot papers, in their respective constituencies in the conflict-ridden Kashmir region from their present residences.

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Triangular contest in traditional NC stronghold Budgam

Syed Ali Safvi

Jammu, Nov 25: Budgam assembly segment will go to polls on December 7. As many as 16 candidates, including two former ministers and a legislator, are in the fray, but the main fight is between three candidates. The constituency has been a traditional stronghold of National Conference (NC) with a 100 per cent winning record. NC, which kick-started its poll campaign from Budgam assembly segment on October 23, has again given mandate to its blue-eyed-boy and former MLA Aga Syed Ruhullah, who looks very confident of securing "over 25000 votes" this time.

However, it may not be a cake-walk for Ruhullah, who successfully contested in 2002 on NC ticket and benefited from a considerable sympathy vote after his father Aga Syed Mehdi – a Congress leader – was killed in a powerful IED blast near Magam on Srinagar-Gulmarg road on November 4, 2000.

In 2002, Ruhullah defeated another scion of prominent Aga family of Budgam and former minister Aga Syed Mehmood by a margin of 6645 votes. Mehmood, who had twice served as minister in Farooq's cabinet, had contested as an independent candidate after the party refused to give him mandate from his home constituency Budgam.

Mehmood, who is again contesting independently from Budgam, enjoys the support of Abid Ansari, who is a brother of People's Democratic Party (PDP) senior vice president Molvi Iftikhar Ansari. Ansaris hold a considerable sway over a chunk of Shia voters in Budgam constituency, which has about 27,000 Shia votes. Mehmood-Ansari alliance is likely to improve the winning prospects of Mehmood this time. However, Ruhullah has other thoughts for obvious reasons.

"I don't think it (Aga-Ansari alliance) is going to affect my prospect," he told Kashmir Times. "If the turnout is good, I am confident of getting 50 to 60 per cent of the total votes."

Jammu and Kashmir People's Democratic Forum chairman and former minister Hakeem Muhammad Yaseen is also trying his luck from Budgam assembly segment. Both Hakeem and Mehmood may possibly ride on the anti-incumbency against Ruhullah.

Like Ruhullah, Hakeem too seems very optimistic about winning the seat.

"People of Budgam constituency requested me to contest election from Budgam segment," he told Kashmir Times. "Both Shias and Sunnis are favouring me and I am sure of winning."

Ruhullah is likely to get bulk of votes from Budgam proper, Karipora, Paller, Sundergund, Palpora, Nor, Wahpora, Razwen, Jahama, and Garind, while Mehmood is likely to get maximum votes from Shoolipora, Nasrullahpora, Durbal and Shareefabad.

Both Mehmood and Ruhullah may have to share votes in Bemina, Ichgam, Mehwara, Labertal, Zoorigund and Khanpur.

Hakeem has an edge in Yechikoot, Humhama, Sheikh pora, Narkara, and Gudsoth, while PDP's M Kamal Malik could get a major chunk of votes from Ompora and Soibugh.

The Kashmir Coordination Committee (KCC) election boycott call, however, is likely to have an impact in the home village of United Jehad Council (UJC) supremo Syed Salauddin - Soibugh, Humhama, Ompora, and Nasrullahpora.

Budgam assembly segment has a total of 87,028 registered voters, which include 44,844 male and 42,184 female voters. In 2002, 22,531 (33.40%) votes out of 67,445 votes were polled. The total polling stations to be set up in the constituency this time is 93, as compared to 63 in 2002 elections.

Budgam constituency has been a traditional stronghold of NC and the party has never lost any election from Budgam. NC president has many a time himself described it as "NC's forte". Aga Syed Ali Shah Safvi of NC won the seat from 1952 to 1967. In 1967 assembly elections, Hakeem Syed Mehdi of NC defeated then chief ministerial candidate Ghulam Muhammad Sadiq of Congress by a margin of over 40 per cent votes. NC did not contest 1972 elections and consequently the seat went to Ali Muhammad Mir of Congress who defeated Aga Syed Ali Shah who then fought as an independent candidate. That was the only time when a non-NC candidate managed to win the seat. Ghulam Hassan Geelani of NC represented the constituency from 1977 to 2002. In 2002, NC'S Aga Ruhullah secured 11,398 votes and defeated his nearest rival Aga Mehmood, an independent candidate, by a margin of 6645 votes. Mehmood polled 4,753 votes.

Candidates contesting from Budgam assembly segment include, Aga Syed Ruhullah mehdi (JKNC), Hakeem Muhammad Yaseen (Ind), Aga Syed Mehmood (Ind), M Kamal Malik (PDP), Mir Fayaz Rahat (Congress), Bashir Ahmad Najar (Ind), Syed Mujtaba (Ind), Abdul Ahad Sheikh (Ind), Abdul Gani Naseem (Ind), Ghulam Mohiuddin Mir (RJD), Ghulam Nabi Ganaie (ANC), Muhamad Ibrahim Khan (BSP), M Ashraf Azad Hajam (BJP), M Ashraf Ahangar (Ind), Zahoor Ahmad Badoo (Ind), and Nazir Ahmad Wani (Ind).

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Will NC avenge 2002?

Syed Ali Safvi

JAMMU, Nov 22: The prestigious assembly segment of Ganderbal is going to polls tomorrow. All the political parties have done their home work. Now it's the time for people to decide. Ganderbal has developed a knack of springing surprises. Upto 2002 it was considered a stronghold of National Conference (NC) and a "safe haven" for Sheikh family, but in 2002 assembly elections the voters left all and sundry astonished when the scion of Sheikh family and then chief ministerial candidate Omar Abdullah lost to People's Democratic Party's (PDP's) candidate Qazi Muhammad Afzal.

Omar Abdullah is again contesting from Ganderbal, but will he be lucky second time is a million dollar question. It will not be a cakewalk for him for sure. NC has not left any stone unturned in order to woo the voters. Almost all the bigwigs of the party have campaigned for the party president. NC's only influential Shia leader Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi, who holds considerable sway over a chunk of Shia voters in the constituency, also accompanied junior Abdullah many a time to garner support in his favour. It's a do or die situation for two-time member Parliament Omar who is yet to win an assembly election. Nonetheless, there is a possibility that Omar may ride on the anti-incumbency against Qazi Afzal.

Omar is facing stiff competition this time not from PDP's Qazi Afzal, but from Congress' Ishfaq Jabbar Sheikh. Ishfaq has some goodwill in the constituency and enjoys a considerable support of the electorate. Ishfaq is the son of Jabbar Sheikh who served as minister in Farooq's cabinet. To show his strength, sub-inspector-turned politician Ishfaq had organised a public rally at Beehama earlier this year which was attended by over 6000 persons including the supporters of NC senior leader Mian Altaf Ahmad. He had planned to contest from Ganderbal on NC ticket, but was denied mandate by the party high command. Consequently, he was roped in by Congress as a potential candidate against Omar.

To show down Omar, Ishfaq has played a political card that could go against the junior Abdullah. The contest between Omar and Ishfaq has become a contest between a local and outside candidate. To dent Omar's image, PDP, on the other hand, is asking NC president to "clear up" his links with Malegaon blast accused Swami Dayanand Pandey. Senior PDP leader and former minister Tariq Hameed Qarra was seen flashing the photograph of Omar with the Swami, at a press conference in Srinagar earlier this week.

The former minister and PDP senior leader Qazi Muhammad Afzal is seeking second term from Ganderbal, but if the public mood is anything to go by, Afzal could face voter's ire for his controversial role in the Amarnath land transfer deal.

NC is likely to get chunk of votes from its traditional stronghold belts of Sher Pathri, Dab, Alasteng and Waliwar, while as Congress has an edge in Lar, Wakura (hometown of senior Congress vice president and MLC Ali Muhammad Wakura) and Beehama. The Kashmir Coordination Committee (KCC) election boycott call is likely to have an impact in Jamat-i-Islami stronghold Saloora, Dudarhama and to some extent in Beehama.

There are 77,616 registered voters, which include 39,982 male and 37,634 female voters, in Ganderbal assembly segment. Around 79 polling stations have been setup in the constituency where 12 candidates are in the fray.

Out of eight elections held since 1962 NC has managed to won five of them. In 1962 and 1967 NC's Abdul Slam Aitu and Congress' MM Bhat respectively won uncontested. Muhammad Maqbool Bhat of Congress emerged victorious in 1972. Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah successfully contested from Ganderbal in 1977 and defeated his nearest rival Ali Muhammad Taria - an independent candidate - by a huge margin. Farooq Abdullah wrested the seat from 1983 to 2002. In 2002 assembly elections PDP's Qazi Afzal defeated Farooq's son and then chief ministerial candidate Omar Abdullah by a margin of over 12 per cent votes.

Meanwhile, Omar Abdullah today served a legal notice to Mehbooba Mufti and Tariq Hameed Qarra for "making false, incorrect and motivated allegations" against him. Both Mehbooba and Qarra had asked Omar to clear-up his links with Swami Dayanand. Omar in turn had maintained that Qarra was also present at the same function organized by the accused Dayanand. The NC president today sought an apology from the PDP leaders, failing which he threatened to file a suit for damages to the tune of Rs.1 crore.

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EID MUBARAK

EID MUBARAK TO YOU ALL

What About Dal Dwellers?

SAS

This is the high time to take effective measures for the preservtion of Dal lake. The lake is a symbol of our pride and its preservation must be govt's top priority. It is our moral as well as social responsibility to safeguar it.

However, we must at the same time take other aspects into consideration. The State govt is doing its best to restore Dal lake to its pristine glory, but what about Dal dwellers? Has anybody spared a thought for them? The State govt has decided to rehabilitate Dal dwellers at "Rakh Arath" Bemina. The entire area of "Rakh Arath", covering thousands of kanals, is basically a flood channel and, therefore, is not by any means fit for residential purpose.

Without paying heed to the incessant pleas of environmentalists and senior citizens, the govt went ahead with the project. The earth filling of "Rakh Arath" has been going on for several months now. The old Bemina is a flood-prone area and after the filling of "Rakh Arath" it has come under the threat of getting submerged if the dykes are breached during floods.

Our leaders have prefered to maintain silence on the issue. It seems all Just voices have altogether vanished in thin air.I fail to understand why Dal dwellers are treated as second-class citizens. Preserving Dal lake should be prime concern, but that does not mean Dal dwellers be damned. They should be rehabilitated at some appropriate place.

The Supreme court of India recently banned construction on agriculture land. However, the state govt seems hellbent to convert Rakh Arath (comprising thousands kanals of fertile agriculture land) into a residential coloney.

I see all this as a part of serious conspiracy. When John F Kennedy was president of America, he introduced several Reform programmes aimed at the underdeveloped countries with an objective to increase their dependency on America. One such programme was reducing the capacity to produce food grains so that the under-developed countries are compelled to import rice from America. The objective was: Don't allow these under-developed nations to be self-reliant. I see India adopting the same mechanism in Kashmir.

Encounter @ L-18 !

SAS

The recent encounter in Jamia Nagar in Delhi has raised many questions. Some people have lauded the "heroic" role of Delhi police, while some have questioned their modus operandi. Another section of people have gone further and claim that it was a "staged encounter"!

Notwithstanding the different shades of opinion that are pouring in from different quarters, there are some questions that merit serious attention.

The Delhi encounter was a successful "joint operation" - by the Delhi police and Indian electronic media! Police "killed terrorists" and news channels showed it, sab se tez!, without bothering to uncover some facts.

Police carried out the operation on a tip off from Ahmedabad blast accused Abu Bashar. Every one knew that Abu Bashar was in police custody and police was interrogating him. Police claim that Abu Bashar had stayed with Atif and his other friends in the same House L-18 when the former was in Delhi. I fail to understand why did not Atif and company change their "hideout" when they came to know about Abu Bashar's arrest. Were they so naive that they couldn't foresee its consequences.

Police rushed to Batla House and zeroed in on House No L-18. No warning shot was fired. The alleged militants were not even asked to surrender. Police, in its defence, claim that as soon as they entered the room, the occupants fired at them. However, locals have refuted the claim.

Fariyad, a lecturer at Jamia Millia Islamia, who lives just behind the L-18 apartment was quoted by a news agency as saying, "I don't know whether they were terrorists or students. But one thing is for sure. I heard only one kind of bullet sounds. It seemed the firing was only from one side."

S.A.R. Geelani visited the site hours after the encounter and he too was sceptical of police action. He demanded a judicial probe into the shootout and said: "People have been harassed in the area for a long time. It is not something new. Whenever something happens, this area is the first target being a Muslim one."

Curiously, police did not show the face of the alleged militants killed in the encounter. If they were people from the area or students, the locals could have easily recognised them.
Police also claim that two alleged militants managed to flee. How absurd? Two militants were able to give slip to over 100-strong police party in a broad day light. Now, you must be joking! Mind you, the appartment was cordoned off. The militants might have been wearing Mr. India's invisible gadget that's why police couldn't see them fleeing.

Moreover, police claim that the two alleged militants managed to escape from the rear side of the apartment. It is a stunt that would so easily qualify for "Ripley's Believe it or not". First, jumping directly from the fourth floor and managing to save themselves from half-a-dozen high-voltage power lines in the way.

After the Delhi serial blast, Delhi police was under enormous pressure. Delhites had lost faith in them. Desperate to regain their lost image in the eyes of public, they engineered the Batla House encounter, claiming they have killed those involved in the Delhi serial blast.

There are thousands of Kashmiris living in Delhi and majority of them are living at Batla House - some in rented flats and some in their own. As has been the case in the past, whenever some untoward incident takes place the needle of suspicion by-default points towards the hapless Kashmiris. The threat they carry with them has multiplied. No wonder if in few weeks or days from now some Kashmiris are arrested and labelled as "terrorists" or "master minds" of so and so blast. Afterall, "terrorist" tag comes naturally to them. As they say, every Kashmiri is a "potential terrorist".

The Jammu Kashmir govt must bring it to the notice of the Indian Home minister and see to it that no Kashmiri is unncessarily harassed and subjected to victimisation. The govt must ensure the safety of Kashmiris living outside state.

Israeli Army Chief’s Secret Kashmir Yatra

Sultan M Hali

Israel’s Army chief, Major General Avi Mizrahi secretly visited Kashmir last week. Indian authorities remained tight-lipped about the visit, neither confirming nor denying, however, the lid was blown by Iranian News Agency, IRNA. Earlier, Major General Avi Mizrahi, had arrived in New Delhi on September 9, on a three-day visit, where he met his counterpart Indian Army chief General Deepak Kapoor and also minister of state for defence production, Rao Inderjit Singh, chiefs of India’s navy and air force and discussed joint military training and exercises for the two armed forces.

Israel has offered to train Indian troops in counter-insurgency and anti-terrorist operations. General Mizrahi’s visit to Kashmir comes in the backdrop of a massive anti-India agitation in Indian-Occupied Kashmir. At least 50 persons have been killed in the uprising that began two months back with the tensions still high. India and Israel have shared defense co-operation since diplomatic relations between New Delhi and Tel Aviv were established in 1992. The ties have become stronger in recent times with India emerging as the largest purchaser of Israeli arms since the beginning of the 21st century. India has purchased the Phalcons Airborne Early Warning and Control Systems from Israel that would be fitted onto the Indian Air Force’s three IL-76 heavy-lift transport aircraft. It has also bought the Green Pine radars that warn of incoming enemy ballistic missiles. The Indian armed forces also use Israeli unmanned aerial vehicles for intelligence, reconnaissance and surveillance. The Indian Army uses Israeli night-vision equipment, particularly in Kashmir. Indian troops in occupied Kashmir have been armed with Israeli made Travor assault rifles to crush the Kashmiris’ righteous struggle. The TAR-21 Travor rifle costing around $6500 is one of the most modern assault rifles available in the world. According to Kashmir Media Service, the rifles are part of India’s strategy to use them during siege and search operation in civilian areas in the disputed territory.

It may be recalled that last year in October, a delegation of senior Israeli army officers secretly visited the violence hit Kashmir. Israeli army officers, during their visit to Kashmir, undertook real time testing of the sophisticated equipment sold by Israel to the Indian army. The wide array of Israeli-made surveillance devices, ranging from unattended ground sensors and Hand-Held Thermal Imagers (HHTI) to Long-Range Reconnaissance and Observation Systems and the Battle Field Surveillance Radars and the Surveillance Grid have been deployed by the Indian army along the LoC to keep a check on the infiltration of militants from the Pakistani side of Kashmir. The Indian Army has installed new and sophisticated surveillance equipment in the border district of Kupwara, Kashmir, to keep a check on the movement of “infiltrators”. The system, named Surveillance Grid, was imported from Israel. The equipment has been installed at selected points prone to infiltration. The Surveillance Grid is the first monitoring system of its kind in South Asia. The surveillance grid makes combined use of high-power cameras, thermal sensing cameras and long range observation system (Loros) to monitor all types of movements at and across the border with Pakistan. The Israeli army delegation reviewed the functioning and effectiveness of the equipment in Kashmir. The Israeli army delegation also shared with Indian army officers and men, their experiences of tackling infiltration and militancy in Palestinians areas. The Israeli army has been training Indian army personnel to fight militancy in Kashmir. After real time testing, the Israeli officers assessed the role of the gadgets and checked their effectiveness. This was the second trip for Israeli army officers, to the strife-torn state within four months. Earlier, in the month of June, 2007 an Israeli army delegation led by its Deputy Chief of General Staff, Major General Moshe Kaplinsky visited Jammu. During their stay in Jammu, the Israeli army commanders visited the border areas to check the functional compatibilities of a large amount of military equipment, procured from Israel and installed close to the LoC.

The Indo-Israeli defence ties are increasing and there are reports that it was on the advice of Israeli army commanders that India fenced with barbed wire the 720-km-long LoC with Pakistan to check the infiltration of militants from across the border. India and Israel have a lot in common. The partition of India and its freedom from colonial rule set precedence for nations such as Israel, which demanded a separate homeland because of the irreconcilable differences between the Arabs and the Jews. The British left Israel in May 1948, handing the question of division over to the UN. Un-enforced UN Resolutions to map out boundaries between Israel and Palestine has led to several Arab-Israeli wars and the conflict still continues. A major difference between the two colonial endeavours, however, is that in the first case, no Palestinian state has yet emerged even after 60 years, despite the stipulations of international law. In February 1947 Mountbatten was sent out as Viceroy to India. He oversaw the process of partition of the Indian Sub-continent; meddling in the process in such a way that Jammu and Kashmir would inevitably go to India regardless of the sentiments of the indigenous population by allocating the Gurdaspur district of the Punjab to India. Had Gurdaspur gone to Pakistan, there would have been no land-route connecting India to Kashmir.
Just as in Palestine, the British role appears to have been deliberately designed to bypass the right of the indigenous Kashmiri population to self-determination. In this respect, the parallel between Palestine and Kashmir is quite obvious. In both cases, British colonial manipulation resulted in the violation of the right of a people to self-determination, and the blocking of the emergence of a legitimate independent state. The secret visit of the Israeli Army Chief to Indian-occupied Kashmir is ominous as it foments trouble for the Kashmiri freedom fighters and their cause. The strife-torn Valley has been yearning for freedom and peace, but Indian authorities are not only bent upon trampling their rights but also take aid from Israelis.

Courtesy: Pakistan Observer

War Clouds Over Kashmir?

Forget the so-called peace process. Wake up. Pull up your socks. Kashmir skies will not remain calm for long. Get set to witness an imminent war between India and Pakistan, over Kashmir! India has done its homework. It's now Pakistan's turn to reciprocate. War clouds are hovering over Kashmir than ever before.

Indian Air Force (IAF) has deployed six Russian-made Sukhoi-30 jets capable of carrying nuclear warheads in the strife-torn and conflict-ridden vale of Kashmir. The twin-seater frontline jet can carry eight tonnes of armaments including nuclear weapons, and cruises at a speed of 3,200 kilometres an hour. There are reports that the IAF is also planning to deploy up to 40 Sukhoi jets in the northeast, close to its border with China.

If you have still any doubts, the statement of Indian defence analyst Major General Ashok Mehta may serve as an eye opener:
“This forward movement is part of a deterrence for Pakistan, and to tell them if they fish in troubled waters in Kashmir, India would be ready,” Mehta said.

The relation between India and Pakistan has soured in recent months. India blamed Pakistan for the attack near Indian embassy in Kabul in July this year. Pakistan, however, denied the charge.

Meanwhile, an agreement has been proposed by the Indian government whereby the Israel Defense Forces will train Indian soldiers in counter-terror tactics, urban warfare and fighting in guerrilla settings as part of India's war in Kashmir.

Commander of the Zionist regime’s ground forces general Avi Mizrahi arrived in Srinagar on a three-day visit to Kashmir and met commanders of the Indian ground, air and naval forces. According to the report, he travelled to the Indian-administered Kashmir at the invitation of commander of the Indian air force.

The two sides agreed that the Israeli Army commandoes would train India's anti-terrorism forces for fighting the Kashmiri militants.

The Jerusalem Post website has reported that General Avi Mizrahi also signed an agreement for military cooperation with India regarding fighting the Kashmir militants. The Post added that the Indian government did not publish the news of Israeli commander's visit fearing of its negative impact, but press in India and Pakistan have carried reports of the visit.

Pro-India and Pro-freedom groups in Kashmir expressed anger over the visit of the Israeli commander. Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front leader Farooq Ahmed Dar alias Bitta Karati termed the visit of the Israeli commander to Kashmir as "part of India's plan to suppress the Intefada Movement of the Kashmiri people".

India is the largest importer of arms from Israel and since 2002 has bought more than $5 billion worth of equipment. Israel's Counter-Terrorism Bureau has encouraged Israelis to avoid visiting the Kashmir region.

Who After Geelani?

Syed Ali Safvi

A question has been haunting and disturbing me for long now: who after Geelani? What will happen to Kashmir after him? Is there anyone who can step into his shoes?

The septuagenarian leader has done his best to keep the candle of resistance burning in the hearts of Kashmiris, by protecting it from the relentless waves of time. New Delhi has tried its best to distort and belittle Geelani's image by labelling him a "hardliner", "pro-Pakistan", what not! However, unlike other Kashmiri leaders, Geelani has proved a tough nut to crack for India.

Geelani is suffering from kidney cancer and was in March 2007 operated upon at Mumbai's Tata Memorial Hospital. Every Kashmiri would wish and pray that Geelani lives 100 more years, but at the same time no one wants his hard labour to go in vain. What if he dies tomorrow? He is mortal after all. Is there anyone who can step into his shoes? Is there anyone who matches his persona and charisma?

The question is not who would replace him?, but the question is who has the integrity to uphold Geelani's legacy. Geelani can not be replaced by any Tom, Dick and Harry, but some one who has the honesty and committment to carry forward his leagcy.

The Tehreek-e Hurriyat president is an awesome leader, but every great leader must groom a successor who will ensure his legacy. In this crucial category, Geelani has proved to be mortal.

History is testimony to the fact that the leaders who have not groomed successors, notwithstanding their larger-than-life status, have had very short term influence on the history.

Alexander the Great, arguably the greatest warrior of all time, built a great empire covering Asia Minor, Syria, Tyre - the present day Lebanon, Gaza, Egypt, Babylon, Persia, Afghanistan, India, et al. He had planned to invade Arabia and regions north of the Persian Empire, but destiny had something else in store for him. In June in the year 323 BC, Alexander - the world conqueror - breathed his last at the age of 32. Soon after his death the empire he had built after eleven years of continuous, rigorous fighting, without losing a single battle, got disintegrated.

Alexander's failure to make provisions for a successor was in large part responsible for the breakup of his empire after his death.

Alexander's empire didn't survive and i am afraid Geelani's ideology and stand viz-a-viz the solution of Kashmir may also meet the same fate unless he grooms someone as his successor who has the potential to take the Resistance movement "to its logical end".

Kashmir dispute might take another 60 or 100 years, or maybe even more, to solve. It requires utmost patience, strong commitment and unflinching resolve. Kashmiris need leaders who can keep the flag of resistance flying high; leaders who don't succumb to any kind of pressure; leaders who don't have a tendency to give up, come what may.

If Geelani fails to groom his successor, he would be doing a great disservice to his nation, and great service to the Indian policy-makers. India would wish not to see another Geelani rising on the political map of Kashmir. They are waiting to see Geelani off.

Geelani sb, are you listening?

NC to Delhi's rescue, again

SAS

Trying hard to regain its lost political space in Kashmir, People's Democratic Party (PDP) is slated to face much bigger challenges. The party's stand on land dispute has irked New Delhi. The honchos in New Delhi are busy sidelining PDP and are tying their best to rope in National Conference (NC). Whenever New Delhi's position in Kashmir has weekened, NC has always come to its rescue.

Election Commission (EC) of India has decided to go ahead with the assembly polls despite the unrest in the state. It has already convened a meeting of political parties in New Delhi on September 8 to assess the situation in the state after doubts were expressed over the possibility of holding assembly polls in the wake of the recent turmoil.

PDP has expressed its displeasure to hold aseembly elections in the state at this time. The party believes that the situation is not conducive for elections. There are reports that the party may even back out from the polls. On the other hand, National Conference has welcomed the decision.

However, National Conference's green signal to the assembly polls has not come as a surprise. Farooq Abdullah and Omar Abdullah had a one-hour long meeting with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and External Afairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee. The meeting discussed the present situation in the state. It is pertinent to mention here that New Delhi had convened
a meeting with PDP patron Mufti Sayeed to seek suuport from its one-time ally, but the two sides could not bring around a solution following PDP's reluctance for a unilateral agreement between Samiti and Jammu and Kashmir Government.

Speculations are rife that NC may have entered into some kind of agreement with New Delhi whereby the party is required to support the agreement between Shri Amarnath Yatra Sangarsh Samiti (SAYSS) and the state govt; against what can be any body's guess.

It seems New Delhi is this time bent to teach PDP a lesson. And what better way than keeping it out of power!

The party has also come under scathing attack from seperatists. All said and done. PDP finds itself sinking deeper into the quagmire.

Na khuda hi mila na wisal-e sanam
Na idhar ke rahe na udhar ke!

Dangerous portents in Kashmir

A G Noorani

The RSS will not be appeased. Its agenda is trifurcation of Jammu & Kashmir, making Jammu a separate State and Ladakh a Union territory. It bears mention that of the six districts of Jammu only two and a half have a Hindu majority.

Recent events in Kashmir have been most unfortunate. Exchanges of charges between New Delhi and Islamabad were par for the course. India has studiously refrained from commenting on internal developments in Pakistan. On its part Pakistan has been careful not to let the exchanges get out of hand. It is, however, extremely important to assess the tragic course of events within the State of Jammu & Kashmir objectively.

The eruption of a major divide between the provinces of Jammu & Kashmir on religious, communal lines took New Delhi by surprise. It was not directed from the Centre. Local factors held sway. If the Government of India can be faulted for neglect it is on the score of its refusal to heed advice from many quarters to terminate State Governor Lt Gen S K Sinha’s tenancy of the Raj Bhavan in Srinagar. His backers at the Centre ensured that. This is the worrying fact of the episode.

When in the mid-eighties Prime Minister Indira Gandhi superseded him in the appointment of the Chief of Army Staff, many, this writer included, protested. He lost little time in the campaign he waged and the company he kept in raising doubts in one’s mind that she had good cause for the unprecedented step.

In the good South Asian tradition of a new Government correcting the “wrongs” of its predecessor Foreign Minister I K Gujral appointed him as Ambassador to Nepal in 1990. He was next ensconced as Governor of Assam and finally of Jammu & Kashmir. The man has done very well for himself in retirement. He has held government jobs for 18 years, from 1990 to 2008. Having fought in the Kashmir war in 1947 as a junior officer Sinha was out to leave a permanent imprint of his communal outlook in the State. The Amarnath Yatra came in handy.
Traditionally the offerings at the Amarnath Cave in the Western Himalayas are shared betweens two monastic families, one of which is Muslim. They are heirs of the Muslim shepherd who discovered it over a century ago. There is one traditional route from
Srinagar to Pahalgam onwards. There is a smaller but dangerous route from Srinagar via Sonamarg to Baltal.

In 1996 there was a blizzard which exacted a toll of over 200 lives. The government of India appointed Nitish Sengupta, a civil servant to conduct a probe. He recommended that the duration of the pilgrimage be one and a half months and on a ceiling of 100,000 for the annual pilgrimage.

No sooner S K Sinha became Governor in 2003 than he began demanding increase in the duration of the pilgrimage and in the numbers. The Report was flouted. To cut a long story short he, as ex-officio head of the Statutory Board in charge of the pilgrimage, locked horns with Chief Minister Mufti Mohammed Sayeed of the PDP which was in coalition with the Congress. In 2005 it was the Congress’ turn to provide the chief minister. Its nominee was Ghulam Nabi Azad, a crony of Sanjay Gandhi who managed to latch on to Rajiv Gandhi.

A Kashmiri who never once fought elections to the Lok Sabha from his own State, he played ball with Sinha. Probably they had common patrons at the Centre. A foolish order was made last May “diverting” forest land to the Amarnath Board at Baltal, the route none needed take if the ceiling on numbers is respected. The Army pronounced it dangerous. The “allotment” of land was made on terms that the Kashmiris resented. The new Governor, N N Vohra rescinded the order.

Now it was Jammu’s turn to protest except that its protest was an organised one — by the RSS and its political wing the BJP. On August 31, the State government signed an accord with the Jammu body spearheading the protests on terms far worse than those of the May order. The Amarnath Board was given “exclusive” rights on 800 kanals of land at Baltal. Meanwhile the
Hurriyat leaders had been put in prison. Curfew was imposed on many towns. The press was treated disgracefully.

The RSS will not be appeased. Its agenda is trifurcation of Jammu & Kashmir, making Jammu a separate State and Ladakh a Union territory. It bears mention that of the six districts of Jammu only two and a half have a Hindu majority. The partition was Maharaja Hari Singh’s plan which his son Karan Singh relentlessly advocates. Home Minister L K Advani gingerly mooted the idea on June 7, 2000 in Leh, the capital of Ladakh. On June 30, 2002 the RSS’ All India Workers’ Conclave at Kurukshetra adopted a resolution which asserts “The people of
Jammu think that the solution of their problems lies in the separate statehood for Jammu region”. It supports “the demand for UT status for Ladakh region”. This is the agenda which is being promoted in Jammu now.

Jammu will be split evenly. Three of its six districts, now broken up into ten, have Muslim majorities — Poonch (91.92%); Rajauri (60.23%) and Doda (57.92%). Two tehsils in Udhampur Gul Arynas and Gulab Garh have a Muslim majority. Farooq Abdullah once warned that these areas will not live with Jammu; the massacres would be worse than those of 1947 and “India
will be left with two and a half districts while the so-called Greater Kashmir will go on a platter to Pakistan eventually”. (Greater Kashmir; October 3 and December 11, 2000).

Mirwaiz Maulvi Umar Farooq also said “if the Dogras of Jammu’s two and a half districts want to secede from the State, we won’t oppose it either”. (Indian Express; 10 August 2008).
With elections to the State Assembly only months away, a dangerous situation has been created in Jammu & Kashmir.

India lost chance on Kashmir: Omar

President of pro-India political party, National Conference Omar Abdullah has said that India lost a "golden opportunity" to resolve the Kashmir issue in 2005-06. He said that General Musharraf was a single window system and India "flunked this golden opportunity".

“I have said that we will not have an opportunity like this. I also said that the door is closing, it’s not going to remain open forever and let’s grab this opportunity now or we’ll lose and it might be the only opportunity of my generation. We lost it. It’s gone. Musharraf was a single window system so to speak, that we had to deal with in Pakistan. That window has gone,” Omar said in an interview with CNN-IBN's, Devil's Advocate. “We flunked it. All of us, we all played a part in it. Well, we are living to rue it now. Had we worked out a solution with Pakistan in 2006-2007, we wouldn’t have seen Kashmir inflamed in 2008.”

The NC president answered volley of questions from the programme anchor, Karan Thapar.

Demand for Azadi:
"I do not believe that independence for Kashmir is a feasible or a viable option and I stand by that. It is not a viable alternative to suggest Azadi or even accession to Pakistan. I believed that you can give Kashmir independence but you cannot give Kashmir freedom under the circumstances that prevail within the Subcontinent – India, Pakistan and even China."

Recent protests:
"What happened was a spontaneous eruption arising out of the fear that the economic blockade brought into people’s minds because, let’s not forget, even in the worst of times, 1990, 1991, 1992, never was there an effort made to cut off Kashmir economically from the rest of the country. This is the first time it happened and it sparked off the reaction that you saw."

Elections:
"I believe you can have elections... we missed the great opportunity to have a really good election in Jammu and Kashmir a few months ago. I think Ghulam Nabi Azad was interested in prolonging the life of his government announcing a few populist measures. We have had elections in much worse circumstances. 1996, 1998, 1999 elections that I fought, even in 2002. In 2002 the ground situation, militancy-wise was much worse in the state than it is now."

Alienation:
"What more do you want to see when children in the 10th class, 11th class, 12th class from good English missionary schools are out on top of the buses screaming ‘Hum kya chahte hain, azadi. Kashmir banega Pakistan?’ That I think is an indication of the alienation.”

Full text of the interview: http://www.in.com/active18/readnow/storypage.php?docid=d7467bd08d911f30c96e47450729e68d06704fef&clusid=0&search=true

Roy, the Indian Chomsky

Hassan Zainagiree has written an excellent piece on Arundhatti Roy in Greater Kashmir (http://greaterkashmir.com/full_story.asp?Date=5_9_2008&ItemID=4&cat=11). We must all join Zainagiree in saluting Roy for her courage to unveil the "democratic face of the neo-colonialists who use democracy not as empowering people project but as a tool to hold unwilling masses and thus butcher the very essence of democracy- the will of the majority".

She has highlighted the pitiable plight of Kashmiris in her speeches and writing. I got an opportunity to interact with her when i was a student at Aligarh Muslim Univerty (AMU). She had been invited to the varsity to deliver a speech on Professor Iqbal Khan (Prof. Iqbal Khan Memorial Lecture). During her speech she condemned the grave human rights violation committed by Indian troops in Kashmir.

She is one of the few learned, moderate and rational voices in India. I love to call her the INDIAN CHOMSKY.

Kashmir's Fuse Alight

Howard Schaffer and Teresita Schaffer

The United States has not paid much attention to Kashmir for the past few years, confident that an active India-Pakistan peace process would prevent any crises on that front. It no longer enjoys that luxury. If the current unrest leads to another India-Pakistan confrontation, the whole area from Afghanistan through India will be affected, with critical U.S. interests in play....

After many failed interventions, the United States has in recent years shied away from trying to broker a Kashmir settlement. It has confined itself to crisis management, most recently in 2002 when it helped defuse a confrontation that threatened to trigger another India-Pakistan war.

Read on: http://frontpagemagazine.com/Articles/Read.aspx?GUID=CD50BFD5-1B06-4680-8FDA-CD8F8B181BEA

An Immoral and Illegal Accord

A. G. Noorani

The accord between the J&K Government and the Shri Amarnathji Yatra Sangharsh Samity (SAYSS) on 31 August 2008 is far worse than the order by the J&K Government only three months earlier on 26 May 2008. It grants the SASS concessions beyond what the order did. It is one-sided and marks an abject surrender to violence, blockade and to communal forces. The differences between the order and accord are glaring. Here is a list:

1. The order was made pursuant to a decision on 20 May 2008 by the Cabinet in which Jammu and Kashmir were both represented. The accord ignores completely Kashmir where the land is to be given. Jammu alone was represented. A week earlier there was a clampdown in the Valley and top leaders were arrested.

2. Even the controversial order nowhere used the word "exclusive". The SAYSS felt so emboldened as to demand it and wreck the deal if it was not conceded. The Government yielded in the early hours of 31 August. Para 6A says that the Government "shall set aside for use by Shri Amarnathji Shrine Board exclusively the land in Baltal and Domail". This order unknown anywhere in the world is cloaked under a lie by calling it "traditionally under use for the annual yatra purpose". The traditional route for over a century is the Pahalgam route. The Baltal route is a recent demand. It was regarded by the Army and Nitish Sengupta Report as dangerous. It is also unnecessary if the limit of yatris set by the Report (1 lakh) is observed.

3. This violates the citizen's fundamental right under Art. 19 (1) D to move freely throughout India. The demand of exclusivity was not made even in May 2008 or in decades earlier. It is pure communal aggression using the yatra for political demonstration not religious piety.

4. The duration of use is widened to cover pre and post yatra period. Para 6 C first says that the land will be used "for the duration of the yatra" including the period of preparations and winding up. But the very next para has these sinister words: "The aforesaid land shall be used according to the Board's requirements from time to time, including for the following". There follow 9 measures including construction, setting up of then sheds etc. These can be done even beyond the yatra period "from time to time" and "according to the Board's requirements"; may be all the year around.

5. Para 8 of the order insisted that the land "shall return" to the State. This is dropped in the accord. This accomplishes S.K. Sinha's objective-- permanent use the year round.

6. Also dropped totally is Para 4 on payment for user.

7. Dropped too is Para 6. An undertaking of "foolproof measures against water pollution" and Para 7 on payment of fine for damage to the forest. There is a pious provision in accord Para 6C (ix) among the objectives of land user; namely "undertaking measures relating to … preservation of ecology" etc. Breach entails no fine.

8. The order of 26 May was rescinded on 1 July. The accord will require a fresh order to implement it. By itself the accord has no legal force. Section 2(a) of the J&K Forest (Conservation) Act 1997 says "the Government shall not, except on a resolution of the Council of Ministers based on the advice of the Advisory Committee" constituted under the Act "make any order directing that any forest land or any portion thereof may be used for any non-forest purpose". The earlier phrase "Council of ministers" merely was revised by an amendment in 2001 and the Forest Advisory Committee's advice was added and made mandatory. "Council of Ministers" is specific. It is different from "J&K Government" whose powers alone vest now in the Governor. The law intentionally provides the resolution as a safeguard. This Council can come into existence only after the next elections. In any case the Forest Advisory Committees advice on 12 July 2007 cannot apply to this new accord which must be vetted afresh by that Committee. It was given before the Supreme Court's final judgment in the T M Godavarman case on 23 November 2007 which lays down the law and makes important observations on balancing development with protection of environment. Failure to consider it vitiates the decision. Precise on the based on misrepresentation of opinion of the deputy CM Muzaffar Hussain Beg and advocate General Altaf Naik both of which were given in entirely difference cases.

The accord lacks legal efficacy as well as moral and political legitimacy. Any order in its implementation will be void in law. It is a pity that the State should bend all rules to buy peace with communal forces including promise to consider compensation for law-breakers. What of compensation to the Valley for the blockade? The parivar in Jammu has already begun asking for more. The Government has not bought peace but trouble. It is gunah be lizzat.

If the State can thus bend its knees before the Sangh parivar on an issue like this, what hopes of justice can Kashmiris entertain when it comes to restoring the raped Article 370 to a status of worth and respect?

Kashmir is in no mood to be taken for a ride

Syed Ali Safvi

A four-year old boy in green dress among a huge tsunami of protestors at historic Eidgah on Friday (Aug 22), waving a green flag, vociferously chants: "we want freedom". I wonder whether he knows the meaning of the word or not, but one thing is for sure, he wants to become a part of history that is in the making in Kashmir. He wants to breathe free, not under the shadow of gun and the lurking fear, but under the umbrella of lasting peace and tranquillity that have eluded the strife-torn valley for centuries. The sentiments of the boy clearly indicate that all is not well in so-called paradise on earth: Kashmir. Wherever you go in the valley today - from north to south - you will feel the anger emanating from a range of slogans reverberating through the valley.

However, amid the cacophony of slogans and screaming, there is one slogan that stands out: "We want freedom." Azadi is literally in the air in valley. Azadi is the most frequently uttered word in Kashmir today. People from all walks of life - traders, employees, doctors, lawyers, students - thronging the streets are demanding "Azadi from India". It seems Kashmiris have finally woken up from the deep slumber of decades old oppression, started paying heed to the call of conscience and have finally realised that 'enough is enough'. The deprived children of a wounded, widowed and harassed mother, called Kashmir have decided to break free her shackles.

What we are witnessing in Kashmir today is a classical example of People's movement. It is the denizens of the strife-torn vale of Kashmir who are calling the shots, and not the leaders. Separatist leaders may boast of having organised five massive rallies since August 11, but the fact of the matter is that it is the people who are driving the leaders this time. The valley is in no mood to be taken for a ride. The people of the valley cannot be misled this time. The common man of Kashmir has suddenly become uncommon. The uncommon majority is fighting for the only thing they want: right to self determination.

"The separatist leaders who do appear and speak at the rallies are not leaders so much as followers, being guided by the phenomenal spontaneous energy of a caged, enraged people that has exploded on Kashmir's streets," activist, renowned author and Booker Prize winner Arundhati Roy wrote in The Guardian (Land and Freedom, The Guardian, August 22).

As long as the leaders fall in line with people's aspirations, they are the kings, but if they give up they too would be in the line of fire. No leader is bigger than the movement. Perhaps Kashmiris have finally learned this basic principle of resistance movement. By all means, what we are witnessing in Kashmir is a people's movement. On top of it, this time there is no apparant support or backing from Pakistan or ISI, as has been religiously claimed by India in the past. The people on the streets are common Kashmiris - old, young, women, children - who are demanding the right to self determination, promised by India's first prime minister - a Kashmiri pandit - Jawaharlal Nehru. They are not "terrorists" brandishing weapons or an uncontrollable mob on a killing spree.

Hurriyat Conference and its leaders have a life-time opportunity to turn woes into wows. In Sheikh Aziz'z death, Hurriyat got a new lease of life. People have rested faith on Hurriyat leaders who have regained their lost political space. Geelani is perhaps at the fag end of his life and he would like to see the resolution of Kashmir dispute before he closes his eyes. The support seperatist leaders enjoy today is arguably unprecedented in Kashmir's history. They must not let the sacrifice of Sheikh Aziz and others go waste. They must ensure that the movement does not die down this time as it did in early 1990s. New Delhi will try its best to sabotage the movement. So, better keep your eyes wide open.

"Of course there are many ways for the Indian state to continue to hold on to Kashmir. It could do what it does best. Wait. And hope the people's energy will dissipate in the absence of a concrete plan. It could try and fracture the fragile coalition that is emerging. It could extinguish this non-violent uprising and re-invite armed militancy. It could increase the number of troops from half a million to a whole million. A few strategic massacres, a couple of targeted assassinations, some disappearances and a massive round of arrests should do the trick for a few more years," fears Roy (Land and Freedom, The Guardian, August 22).

The Kashmiri youths spearheading the protests today are the generation of youth who have grown up during the militancy. They have seen it all. They have been brought up under the shadow of gun. They have grown up, as Prem Shankar Jha said, "hating India and engorged with fear of the India army". They have dashed all the psychological boundaries and the fear psychosis that Indian troops so vigorously tried to infuse among them over the past two decades.

"For them (Kashmiri youth) it is nothing short of an epiphany. Not even the fear of death seems to hold them back. And once that fear has gone, of what use is the largest or second largest army in the world?" Roy wrote (Land and Freedom, The Guardian, August 22).

Kashmiris, irrespective of political divide, are out on streets demanding the right to self determination. So far, demand of holding plebiscite had primarily been put forth by Kashmiri separatists, but the current crisis in the state compelled India's leading strategic analysts to call for a referendum in Kashmir, a demand they considered a taboo only couple of weeks back.

India's most read columnist, Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar, in his column in the Times of India (August 17) urged India to hold plebiscite in Kashmir and allow people of Kashmir to decide their destiny.

"We promised Kashmiris a plebiscite six decades ago. Let us hold one now, and give them three choices: independence, union with Pakistan, and union with India. Almost certainly the Valley will opt for independence. Jammu will opt to stay with India, and probably Ladakh too. Let Kashmiris decide the outcome, not the politicians and armies of India and Pakistan," he wrote.

Swaminathan also castigated India for drawing parallels with colonial British. "The British insisted for a long time that India was an integral part of their Empire, the jewel in its crown, and would never be given up. Imperialist Blimps remained in denial for decades. I fear we are in similar denial on Kashmir," he wrote.

Vir Sanghvi, in his column in Hindustan Times, called upon India to hold referendum in the valley.

"I reckon we should hold a referendum in the Valley. Let the Kashmiris determine their own destiny. If they want to stay in India, they are welcome. But if they don't, then we have no moral right to force them to remain.... If you believe in democracy, then giving Kashmiris the right to self-determination is the correct thing to do. And even if you don't, surely we will be better off being rid of this constant, painful strain on our resources, our lives, and our honour as a nation?" he wrote.

Sanghvi questioned India for hanging on to the people "who have no desire to be part of India". "Why are we still hanging on to Kashmir if the Kashmiris don't want to have anything to do with us?" he wrote.

The call for Azadi in Kashmir today is much louder than it has ever been. Slogans may be many but the real demand is Azadi. Arundhati Roy has called for Kashmir's Azadi from India, much to the dismay of New Delhi.

"India needs azadi from Kashmir as much as Kashmir needs azadi from India," said the celebrated author. Roy was present at two massive rallies in Srinagar: Tourist Reception Centre ground and Eidgah to show solidarity with Kashmiris.

"Every banner, full-throated cry or slogan today is an expression of anger with India. Be it in favour of Pakistan, Nizam-e-Mustafa (Islamic state), or simply freedom. There may be many contradictions in the movement, but the desire for independence has erupted suddenly again, with a zeal that can almost be romanticised as revolutionary," writes Saba Naqvi (Outlook, Sep 1, 2008).

However, not many Kashmiris endorse Kashmir's integration with Pakistan.

"When someone on the street here (Kashmir) says Pakistan or Nizam-e-Mustafa, what are they trying to convey? What he (the Kashmiri) is saying is that he rejects the present system. This does not necessarily mean he would choose Pakistan. People here know what has been happening within Pakistan. They are disappointed in what has become of the political system there. There is also a feeling that Pakistan has lost interest in Kashmir," says Mirwaiz Umar Farooq (Outlook, Sep 1, 2008)

The writing is on the wall. Kashmiris want the right to self determination, which India has denied them for six decades. The ball is in New Delhi's court. Being a democratic country, it cannot turn deaf ears to the incessant demands of Kashmiris, else ever-lasting peace can never be achieved in Kashmir.